Abbreviations

JPT Bammel, Ernst and Moule, C.F.D. ed. Jesus and the Politics of his Day.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.

In order to ease the listing of full name of the books in the footnote, I will use author's name only. In case of an author who has written more than one book used in this study. I will use the first name of the book to denote it. For example, R.A. Horsley's Bandits, Prophets, and Messiahs: Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus will be denoted by "Horsley Bandits" in footnotes.

For primary sources, I will use the abbreviated name of the book. For example, Josephus' works will be abbreviated as follows:

Ant. Antiquities

War The Wars of the Jews.

Bibliography

1. Sources

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Thackeray, H.S.T. J. Josephus. 9 vols. London: W. Heinemann, 1961. reprinted.

2. Aids

Thomas, Robert L. Gen. ed. New American Standard Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible. Nashville: Holman Bible Publishers, 1981.

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Bauer, Walter. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature. 2nd ed. tr. by Arndt W.F. and Gingrich, F.W. Chicago and London: U of Chicago, 1979.

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Robertson, A.T. A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research. Nashville: Broadman, 1934.

3. Secondary Literature

Anderson, Hugh. The Gospel of Mark. (NCBC) Greenwood: Attic, 1976.

Bammel, Ernst and Moule, C.F.D. ed. Jesus and the Politics of his Day. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.

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Broadhead, Edwin K. "Jesus the Nazarene: Narrative Strategy and Christological Imagery in the Gospel of Mark," JSNT, Vol. 52, No. 4, (Dec., 1993), pp.3-18.

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Bultmann, Rudolf. The Gospel of John: A Commentary. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971.

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Chan, Kai Wai Eli. "The Christian Base Communities in Latin America: An Popular Protest in Church and Society." Unpublished Master's thesis, Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, Pittsburgh, USA, 1991.

Charlesworth, James H. Jesus within Judaism: New Light from Exciting Archaeological Discoveries. New York: Doubleday, 1988.

Childs, B.S. The New Testament as Canon: An Introduction. London: SCM, 1984.

Choi, Man Fai. Sociology. Chinese edition. Taipei: Sam Man, 1985. pp.263-382.

Cole, R. Alan. The Gospel According to St. Mark. Vol. 2 of Tyndale NT Commentaries. edited by Tasker, R.V.G. 20 vols. Leicester: IVP, 1988. reprint.

Crossan, J.D. The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Peasant. Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1991.

Dahl, Nils Alstrup. Jesus the Christ: The Historical Origins of Christological Doctrine. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991.

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Duff, Paul Brooks. "The March of the Divine warrior and the Advent of the Greco-Roman king: Mark's account of Jesus' entry into Jerusalem," JBL 11/1 (1992), pp.55-71.

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Hiebert, Paul G. Cultural Anthropology. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1983.

Hollenback, Paul W. "Recent Historical Jesus Studies and the Social Sciences," SBL Seminar Papers 1983.

Holmberg, Bengt. Sociology and the New Testament An Appraisal. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990.

Horsley, RA. "Ancient Jewish Banditry and the Revolt against Rome, A.D. 66-70," CBQ, 43, 1981, pp.409-432.

Horsley, RA. "Popular Messianic Movements at the Time of Jesus," CBQ, 46: 1984, pp.471-495.

Horsley, RA. `"Like one of the Prophets of Old". Two Types of Popular Prophets at the Time of Jesus,' CBQ, 47: 1985, pp.435-463.

Horsley, RA. "Menahem in Jerusalem A Brief Messianic episode among the Sicarii -- not 'Zealot Messianism'," Novum Testamentum, XXVII, 4 (1985), pp.334-348.

Horsley, RA. "The Zealots. Their Origin, Relationship and Importance in the Jewish Revolt," Novum Testamentum, Vol. XXVIII Fasc. 2 April 1986, pp.159-192.

Horsley, RA. and Hanson, J.S. Bandits, Prophets and Messiahs. Minneapolis: Harper & Row, 1985.

Horsley, RA. "Popular Prophetic Movements at the time of Jesus their Principal Features and Social Origins," JSNT, (1986), pp.3-27.

Horsley, RA. Jesus and The Spiral of Violence: Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987.

Horsley, RA. Sociology and the Jesus Movement. N.Y.: Crossword, 1989.

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Koester, Helmut. History, Culture, and Religion of the Hellenistic Age. Vol. One of Introduction to the New Testament. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983.

Kummel, W.G. Introduction to the New Testament. London: SCM, 1987. 6th impression.

Lane, W. L. The Gospel According to Mark. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978. reprinted.

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Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1987.

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Metzgar, B. A Textual Commentary to the New Testament. London: ,1975.

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Murphy, Frederick J. The Religious World of Jesus: An Introduction to Second Temple Palestinian Judaism. Nashville: Abingdon, 1991.

Murphy-O'Conner, J. "John the Baptist and Jesus: History and Hypotheses,"

New Testament Studies. Vol. 36, (1993), pp.35-374.

Osiek, Carolyn, R.S.C.J. What Are They Saying About the Social Setting of the New Testament?. New York: Paulist: 1984.

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Rayner, Eric. Human Development. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1979.

Rhoads, David M. Israel in Revolution: 6-74 C.E.. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976.

Robbins, Vernon K. Jesus the Teacher: A Socio-rhetorical Interpretation of Mark. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984.

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Sanders, E.P. Jesus and Judaism. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985.

Sanders, E.P. "I. The Synoptic Jesus and the Law," Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah. London: SCM, 1990. pp.1-96.

Schweitzer, Albert. The Quest of the Historical Jesus. London: Adan & Charles Black, 1954.

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Sham, Graham. The Cost of Authority. London: SCM, 1983.

Stambaugh, J.E. and Balch, D.L. The New Testament in Its Social Environment. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1986.

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Theissen, Gerd. The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982.

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Notes

1. See Epp, E.J. and el ed. "Jesus and Christology," The NT and Its Modern Interpreters. pp.501-508.
2. Epp, E.J. and el ed. "Jesus and Christology," The NT and Its Modern Interpreters. p.508.
3. See J.D. Crossan p.xxx.
4. The bias of using natural historical causality started by D.F. Strauss has forced scholars into two approaches: either seeking to prove the authenticity of Jesus' life or making a sharp distinction between His life and our faith (Lee p.258). This difference in viewpoint of history caused some scholars, like F.C. Baur, and Adolf Harnack, to lose their confidence on Gopsel Luke and Acts' historicity. see John R.W. Stott The Message of Acts, pp.21-22.
5. Stein (pp.225-253) has discussed many criteria used for authenticity of Jesus' sayings, but the search for historical Jesus is unsettled. (Lee pp.258-259) But Stein's conclusion is a good reminder to us,. " If the criteria discussed above, the authenticity of certain syaings and motifs in the Gospels can be demonstrated which establish a continuity between the Jesus fo history and the Christ of faith, then we should assume that the other syaings and motifs in the Gospels are "innocnet until proven guilty," i.e. a saying in the Gospels proporting to come from Jesus is true (authentic until proven false (inauthentic)." (quoted in p.253)
6. Extra-canonical sayings or stories of Jesus is virtually missing, even to the Church of Rome that emphasizes tradition; hence we must start from the four gospels. Other "gospels" are taken as heretic and with little value. see R. Alan Cole pp.14-15.
7. See Twelftree pp.289-343 (for Jewish traditions) and Bauckham pp.369-404 (for methodological issues).
8. This feature is suggested by Robert H. Gundry in his book Matthew: A commentary on his literary and theological art, p.10.
9. See R.T. France, Matthew (Tyndale NTC), p.22.
10. B. F. Westcott, The Gospel According to St. John, pp. lxxvii-lxxviii.
11. B. F. Westcott, The Gospel According to St. John, pp. lxxix.
12. John Wenham ( pp.xxi-xxiv) has argued strongly against this hypothesis. He proposed that the synoptics are all under the influence of Jerusalem Catechesis and Matthew has influenced Luke and Mark, while Mark in turns influences Luke. His thesis, as I analyzes, is synthesis of oral theory and multiple source theory (Boismard) only.
13. I. H. Marshall, Commentary on Luke (NIGTC), p.32.
14. See Rhoads pp.4-19.
15. Styler JPT, pp.101-107.
16. They take Simon 'o Kananaios (Mk. 3:18; Mt. 10:4) as "Simon the revolutionary"; who in Luke 6:15 is called "Simon the zhlwths." (Note that the fonts of the software do not have the ending sigma, therefore it is represented by s.) Matthew and Mark's use of the word may be just Greek rendering of the Aramaic word for a person who has zeal (from the verb qna ). Contra to these suggestions, it is doubtful whether qna has been a technical term for a revolutionary in Jesus' day. (Witherington p.97) Detailed investigation on the use of the qannaim (noun of qna) concludes: "qannaim cannot always be regarded as the rabbinic equivalent to the Greek zelotai." (quoted in Witherington p.97) Besides, no evidence on the existence of this group before 67-68 C.E. ( War 7:268-70) is available. (Horsley Bandits, p.xiv).
17. Cf. the seven figures listed by J.D. Crossan pp.xxvii-xxviii.
18. For example, a.No city visit in Galilee. (according to Gospels)
19. (But city visit in Judea, eg. Jericho & Jerusalem)
20. b.His refuses the people to make him king. (in John 6)
21. c.He retreats to Sidon.
22. d.He says he must go to other villages.
23. e.He foretells his death.
24. f.He plans his visit to Jerusalem against his brothers' mocking.
25. g.He concentrates his ministry on the western shore of the lake of Galilee, in the central & upper part of Galilee.
26. Borg Protrait, pp. 3-5.
27. Horsley suggest that a prophet has these two roles in Horsley Bandits, pp. 138-141.
28. Horsley have suggested that the normal people believe in a conditional kingship. The king is chosen by the people and must confined by a covenant. Horsley Bandits, pp. 92-96. Though the idea is from ancient Israel, this may be preserved at the time of Jesus. Only against this context, can the meaning of Jn 6 be explained more easily.
29. R.T. France (pp. 101-102) proposes that Jesus as a teacher is a minor theme.
30. This is clearly stated by N. A. Dahl. Please refers to Kee in The NT and its Modern Interpreters, pp. 258-259.
31. Lane pp. 25-28.
32. Cole pp. 51-54.
33. Anderson pp.32-35.
34. Anderson p.35.
35. quoted in Ribbons p.20.
36. This is a significant step for Jesus. It shows that He tends to create a new society (as Ralph Martin puts it) which has a clearer vision, rather than a vague, amorphous group that disintegrates after the leader's death. see Ralph Martin, The 4 Gospels, p.181.
37. This is based on Lane's analysis (p.30); but I retain the recognition of the Messiah to the training of the disciples. Actually, this part can be classified to either part; but I put it in the later part to emphasize that the intended act is Jesus' plot for his disciples.
38. Ralph Martin has suggested that the family members "credits him with madness because of the strange behavior he shows and his obstinacy vis-a-vis the authorities." quoted from Ralph Martin, The 4 Gospels, p.181. However, in the context of Marks, no clear purpose of their search for Jesus is mentioned. The NIV Study Bible is wrong when it states that their motive can be shown in vv. 31-32. (see NT p.1554 note for 8:19). But this assumption may be highly plausible, provided that Mark has just mentioned the opposition from the Jews. The misunderstanding of the family members may be implicitly stated.
39. The passage 6,14-29 doesn't talk about the retreat from Galilee, on the contrary it relates to the result of the Galilean ministry. In addition to the possible concentric structure, I suggest to put it inside the Galilean Ministry, rather than away from it.
40. F.F.Bruce proposes to take 1:14-9:50 as the Galilean ministry; and 10:1-51 as the road to Jerusalem. see F.F. Bruce "The date and character of Mark," JPT, p.70.
41. Mark 11:26 is omitted in most MSS and may be a sligtly revised form of Mt. 6:15. (See Anderson p.269) MSS,like B L W _SYMBOL 68 \f "Symbol"_ _SYMBOL 89 \f "Symbol"_ 565 700 892 1216 arm geo, omit this verse (Greek NT 3rd ed. UBS p.172). Since a lot of evidences run against the originality of the text, I omit it in my outline.
42. Some of the best MSS of Mark, like S B k sy, omit vv.9-20. In certain Armenian MSS (tenth C tradition), it is attributed to 'Ariston the presbyter'. The vocabulary, syntax and ideas of this passage is non-Marcan. Since Tatian's Diatessaron (ca. AD 140) and Irenaeus (ca. AD 180) shows knowledge of this passage, the addition must be an early one. See Johnson p.266; Anderson p.358; and Metzgar p.122ff.
43. See Horsley Bandits, p.260.
44. See Bammel pp. 183-195.
45. The famous verse "Only in his hometown, among his relatives and in his own house is a prophet without honor." (Mk 6:4) can be taken as indirectly reference to his prophetic role, but not direct self-claim.
46. quoted in Anderson p.38. He also list his reference as Lohmeyer Das Evangelium des Markus , (Göttingen, 1937), pp.26ff., 58, 96f.
47. F.F.Bruce, "The date and character of Mark," Jesus and the Politics of His day, p.72.
48. Guthrie pp. 95-97.
49. Suggested by Anderson p.38.
50. Anderson p.38 has suggested that it is a contrast between the sinful Jerusalem and the believing Gentiles (in Galilee).
51. However, according to Matthew 4:12-17, it has a spiritual reason: in order to fulfill the prophecy of Isaiah 9:1-2.
52. Leivestad pp. 32-35.
53. Twelftree pp. 294-5. Crossan p.232 has suggested related extra-canonical text on John, Apocryphon of James 6:1-4.
54. J.D. Crossan (Jesus,, pp.231-2) suggested that the fear of Herod may be caused by the religious and political background of John's practice and place of baptism. The people go to the desert and baptized by John in Jorden, then they return to the Promised Land. This is similar to certain millennial prophets, in the period between 44 and 62 C.E. , "invoked the desert and the Jordan to imagine a new and transcendental conquest of the Promised Land". (quoted in p.232.) However, Josephus has never connected these prophets with John and the association of the religious tradition with the places is never emphasized in Josephus. We may have put imposed some foreign relationship into the culture of Jesus' time.
55. Crossan Jesus, p.232. have suggested that Mark 6:14-29 as Markan "creation, allowing him to emphasize certain parallels between the fates of John and Jesus," (quoted in p.232). This suggestion does not have strong evidence. Besides, the contrast of John and Jesus' fate is not clearly seen in Mark. On the other hand, does it possible for Mark to write an inventive story when some of the witnesses still alive. Also, different perspectives of Markan description and Josephus' work do not rule out the possibility of a combined picture.
56. Later Peter may have moved to Capernaum. Nowadays, archaeologists have a house "conceivable" to be Peter's house. Please refers to Charlesworth pp.109-112 for arguments supporting this. Whether this is the right place or not, "Peter have moved to Capernaum" is still a highly probable presupposition; because in the Jesus' later stage of ministry, he uses Capernaum as his base.
57. C.K. Barrett rightly stated "Salim cannot be identified with certainty;"(p.183), but three suggestions for locality have been proposed: i) In Perea, the Transjordan.
58. J.D. Crossan contends that John was taken to Machaerus which lied in sourthern borders of Perea, hence John might have been caught in Perea (Crossan Jesus, p.231.) He had worked in Judea, v.22 may imply it is very close to Judea. 6th-century mosaic Madeba map and contemporary pilgrim strongly support this proposal. ii) Ancient tradition (Eusebius, Onomastica Sacra 40:1-4 (Ed. Klostermann)) found a Salim about six miles south of Bethshan (Scythopolis), in the extreme north-east of Samaria. (Barrett p.183) The Madeba map of another Aenon and Eusebius speaks of Salim in reference to Salumias. Raymond Brown objected above two suggestions by one argument: "..to both these sites in the Jordan valley is that, with the river Jordan nearby, John,s mention of the avaiability of water seems superfluous." (quoted in Brown p.151). iii) In Samaria. 4 miles east-southeast of Shechem there is a town of Salim known from early times; eight miles northeast of Salim lies modern 'Ainun. There are many springs in the city in the past, but now no longer exists. Therefore it is probably the correct site for these two places. Though Josephus (Ant. 1:180) has used it to refer to Jerusalem. Aenon may be derived from Heb. 'ayin meaning springs and Salim means peace or even Jerusalem. It means near to the springs of salvation (Kreiger). An allegorical use of the Gospel of John may be implied. The approach can why the place where Jesus' baptised v.22 would have been given in full(Bultmann p.170 n.9). Also, if John the Baptist was near salvation, (i.e. near Jesus) then why Jesus is not placed at Salim, instead of in Judea. (Brown p.151). The allegorical approach is hardly right.
59. This view is suggested by Murphy-O'connor in pp. 368-370.
60. Murphy-O'connor has suggested that Jesus is a disciple of John sent by him to work in Judea. According to Jn 3:22-26, a debate occurs between a man and John's disciples on Jesus baptizing others in Judea. There is no sign that John's disciples take him as their fellow disciples, or the debate will end simply as "he is one of us sent by our master John." On the contrary, it ends with John's acceptance of his own position, without looking down upon Jesus' ministry in Judea. Therefore, they may be working separately in similar by different movements.
61. Cole p.134.
62. Malina Christian Origins, pp. 116-119.
63. Malina Christian Origins, pp.107-108.
64. Seland pp.197-208.
65. Gager pp.20-37. Holmberg pp.71-117.
66. Charlesworth pp.58-59 (against LaSor).
67. Both W. Wrede and A. Schweitzer hold that the secrecy motif was an intergral part of the dogmatic element in traditions of Mark. But Wrede suggests that they are unhistorical, while Schweitzer takes them as historical and eschatological. See Tuckett p.7.
68. Malina Christian Origins, pp.239-245.
69. Bammel p.183.
70. J.P.W. Sweet JPT, p.1.
71. Rhoads p.53. see also J.P.M. Sweet JPT, p.5.
72. Wenham p.xxii.
73. See Carson pp.100-101. But I reject Brandon's proposal that Jesus-Jewish leaders conflicts are Markan makeup.
74. Wong p.575 entry no. 3793.
75. Though "class" is not a correct term for this classification; because in the first century society the dynamics on class is different from ours. We use wealth as a basic, but they use a lot of criteria. But for sake of simplification, I use this term, especially for the economic factor. 'Status' is a broader concept. For description of this status, it includes a wide range of concepts.
76. Sanders suggested that Jesus' self-claim, proclamation and threat against the temple caused the problems. However, in Mark, clearly it was no the case. see Borg pp.4-5; Sanders pp.270-93, 294-318.
77. Gundry p.101. Matthew has put all three together in Mt 6:1-18.
78. Borg Portraits, p.4.
79. Quoted from Giddens p.611.
80. Murphy p.346.
81. See Horsley Bandits, p.203.
82. Gager pp.94-108, esp. p.106.
83. Lee Ming Fong pp.380-381.
84. Giddens pp.613-614.
85. Giddens pp.613-614.
86. The famine in the forties is mentioned by Horsley in Bandits, p.202.
87. See Theissen Sociology; and Crossan Historical Jesus.
88. Quoted from Horsley Bandits, p.35
89. Quoted from Giddens p.615.
90. This event is listed by R.A. Horsley Jesus, pp.162-164.
91. Lee Ming Fong et al ed. pp.365-369.
92. Quoted from Smelser p.370.
93. Horsley Bandits, pp.169-170.
94. Since Jn 12:16-19 listed a lot of witnesses to emphasize the impact, the proclamation purpose of John may have influenced these reports.
95. Paul Brook Duff has contended for Jesus' entry after a Grrco-Roman king's procession. The lack of a ritual of appropriation demanded in such procession is one of weakness of this proposal. If this proposal is right, it would be too dangerous for Jesus and also the reader and the writer of Mark who is under the rule of a Roman king!
96. The waving of the branches and the use of Ps. cxviii are observances connectd with tabernacles and Hannukah (Redidication), not Passover. Hence Jesus might enter the city two or three weeks before Passover.
97. Jeremias p.124.
98. Charlesworth p.116 have listed this estimation made by J. Jeremias. But Josephus has estimated 2.5 million Jews trapped in the city may be an exaggeration (see War 6:425; in War 6:420 he states that 1.1 million Jews died in Jerusalem during the war).
99. Theissen Social Reality, pp.110-112.
100. Horsley Jesus, pp. 100-102.
101. Giddens p.626.
102. Horsley Bandits, pp. 57-63.
103. Cited by Horsley Jesus, p.105.
104. Horsley "Popular Messianic Movements," pp. 94-495.
105. Rhoads pp. 4-51.
106. Rhoads p.49.
107. Rhoads pp. 52-60.
108. see Horsley "Popular Messianic Movements" p.480.
109. Horsley argued that there is no evidence for the use of "son of David" in the Jewish literature until after the fall of Jerusalem. refers to Horsley Bandits, p.91.
110. Bammel JPT, pp.111-114.
111. Horsley has strongly opposed that Judas has that great influence. Judas' movement is short and no other group directly related to him can be found in later history.
112. Horsley Bandits, pp.148-151.
113. Definition given in Giddens p.626.
114. Herod's extensive building projects cause extreme burden on his taxpaying subjects. Horsley "Popular Messianic Movements" p.480.
115. Horsley Jesus, p.90-92. This suggestion is based on his 4 stages theory: Institutionalized Injustice, Protest and Resistance, Repression, and Revolt. See Horsley Jesus, pp.22-56.
116. Horsley Jesus, p.96. Horsley has pointed out this stage, without suggesting enough reason, why they join the urban poor.
117. Horsley proposes that means a direct challenge to the ultimate sovereignty of Jews' God. see Jesus, pp. 100-105
118. Horsley Jesus, p.90.
119. Horsley "Popular Messianic Movement," p.481.
120. Horsley "Popular Messianic Movements," pp. 480-481.
121. The number of the disciples sent is still debatable because the evidences of manuscripts support both the reading of 70 and 72. Jesus may follow the religious tradition of 70 elders, or on the contrary, he divides 72 disciples into a group of six which led by one of the twelve. We have not enough evidences to prove either case. Here I choose 70 as the answer, because it fits better in the religious tradition. Besides, there is no solid evidences supporting Jesus has dividing the disciples into a group of six. See also Marshall pp. 414-415.
122. This word can mean 'manager, foreman, steward' (Mt. 20:8); a 'guardian' (Gal.4:2); or a Roman 'procurator' (cf. the use of the verb, Lk. 3:1 D.) Though Cuza's position can't be ascertained, he may be a high officier in Herod's court, who Herod's knowledge about Jesus comes from. See Marshall p.317.
123. I don't accept Dieter Lührmann's suggestion "Mk hat die Pharisäer prinzipiell in Galiläa lokalisiert, die Schriftgelehrten prinzipiell in Jerusalem." Robert L. Mowery supported it (Mowery pp. 266-268), but they ignore that "the scribes" is used in (1:22 and 2:6) and Mk 2:16 connects both parties. On the contrary, the "teaching" theme of Mark is based on the contrast between Jesus and the scribes (e.g. Mk 1:2, supported by Kingsbury p.46). I suggest that the contrast between Jesus and the Pharisees is in the observance of the "holiness" traditions. Jesus had a different concept on that, and they crashed with one another in Mk 7:1-23. After this debate, Jesus retreated to Tyre and concentrated his attention on the disciples. Note that Jesus has warned the disciples of the Pharisees' teaching in Mk 8:15.
124. Also, Marcus J. Borg suggested that the conflict is on different interpretation of "holiness", please refers to Borg Portraits, pp. 12-15. I agree on this suggestion, but reject his idea that Jesus is a teacher of wisdom. In Mark, no place has emphasized wisdom. Adverse to it, the emphasis is on the authority which is proved by a sign (which may means a miracle and exorcism depicted in Mark). Though contemporary researches have tended to depict Jesus in the wisdom culture of his times. The issue is whether Mark has emphasized this theme or not. Jesus lived in a wisdom culture, showing a teaching style with wisdom is just a natural thing. On the other side, Jesus also had some features like a Pharisee teacher (Maccoby p.107). Hence, showing the cultural characteristics of his times doesn't mean that it is his "main" style. In Mark, Jesus was clearly depicted a teacher with authority.
125. Except Mk 3:22. all other passages describing scribes from Jerusalem lie after Mk 7:1,5 (11:18-27; 14:1,43,53; 15:1-31). This may imply the joint force of the Pharisee with the scribes from Jerusalem. Jesus' ministry has aroused the attention even of the religious establishment in Jerusalem.
126. Though this picture is taken by Horsley as different description from Josephus' portrayal of Pilate, (in Horsley Jesus, p.99-100) there is some truth in it. If Pilate has made a serious mistake in religious matters in his early phase of rule, then it would be possible for him to become more cautious towards these affairs. Pilate has written above Jesus' cross "The king of the Jews" in order to insult the Jews (Mt 27:37; Mk 15:26; Lk 23:38). He refused to change it even after the strong protest from the chief priests (Jn 19:21-22). Hence, as John depicted him, Pilate is a cunning man who know how to take revenge seriously.
127. Horsley Bandits, pp. 173-175.
128. See Kingsbury pp. 46-50.